A Brief History of Motion Read online

  To Kirstin, my lifelong co-driver, with thanks for all the adventures

  BY THE SAME AUTHOR

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  The Neptune File: A Story of Astronomical Rivalry and the Pioneers of Planet Hunting

  The Turk: The Life and Times of the Famous Eighteenth-Century Chess-Playing Machine

  A History of the World in 6 Glasses

  An Edible History of Humanity

  Writing on the Wall: Social Media—The First 2,000 Years

  CONTENTS

  Introduction

  1. Wheels in the Ancient World

  2. Your Carriage Awaits

  3. Under One’s Own Steam

  4. The Rubber Hits the Road

  5. You Are What You Drive

  6. Who Owns the Streets?

  7. The Road to Suburbia

  8. Car Culture

  9. The Fall and Rise of the Electric Car

  10. All Hail the Ride

  11. From Horseless to Driverless

  12. The Road Ahead

  Acknowledgments

  Notes

  Sources

  Image Credits

  Index

  A Note on the Author

  INTRODUCTION

  Many of our technology-related problems arise because of the unforeseen consequences when apparently benign technologies are employed on a massive scale.

  —MELVIN KRANZBERG, AMERICAN HISTORIAN (1917–95)

  The story of the dawn of the automotive era traditionally goes something like this.

  In the 1890s the biggest cities of the Western world faced a mounting problem. Horse-drawn vehicles had been in use for thousands of years, and it was hard to imagine life without them. But as the number of such vehicles increased during the nineteenth century, the drawbacks of using horses in densely populated cities were becoming ever more apparent. In particular, the accumulation of horse manure on the streets, and the associated stench, were impossible to miss. By the 1890s around 300,000 horses were working on the streets of London, and more than 150,000 in New York City. Each of these horses produced an average of twenty-two pounds (ten kilograms) of manure a day, plus a quart (about a liter) of urine. Collecting and removing thousands of tons of waste from stables and streets proved increasingly difficult.

  The problem had literally been building up for decades. A newspaper editor in New York City declared in 1857 that “with the exception of a very few thoroughfares, all the streets are one mass of reeking, disgusting filth, which in some places is piled to such a height as to render them almost impassable to vehicles.” Residents of other American cities voiced similar complaints, describing the streets as “too foul to serve as the sties for the hogs,” “filthy in the extreme,” and “extremely unhealthy.” As well as filling the air with a terrible stench, the abundance of horse manure turned streets into muddy cesspools whenever it rained. An eyewitness account from London in the 1890s describes the “mud” (the accepted euphemism among prudish Victorians) that often flooded the Strand, one of the city’s main thoroughfares, as having the consistency of thick pea soup. Passing vehicles “would fling sheets of such soup—where not intercepted by trousers or skirts—completely across the pavement,” spattering and staining nearby houses and shop fronts.

  Crossing sweepers would help the well-to-do across the road in larger cities, ensuring for a small fee that the path was clear of fresh horse droppings. But any street that was not constantly cleared, noted an American writer in 1899, “is literally carpeted with a warm, brown matting of comminuted horse-dropping, smelling to heaven and destined in no inconsiderable part to be scattered in fine dust in all directions,” as it was ground down by iron-shod wheels and hooves. Manure collected from the streets was piled up at dumps dotted around major towns and cities. Huge piles of manure also built up next to stables and provided an attractive environment for flies. Health officials in Rochester, New York, calculated that if the manure produced by the fifteen thousand horses in the city each year was piled up, it would cover an acre of ground to a height of 175 feet and breed 16 billion flies. And Rochester was a small city by comparison with Chicago, which had five times as many horses, or New York City, which had ten times as many.

  All of this was bad for public health. The board of health’s statisticians in New York City found higher levels of infectious disease “in dwellings and schools within fifty feet of stables than in remoter locations,” the New York Times reported in 1894. According to one turn-of-the-century calculation, twenty thousand New Yorkers died annually from “maladies that fly in the dust,” clear evidence of the dangers posed to health by reliance on horses. To make matters worse, horses were frequently overworked, and when they dropped dead, their bodies were often left rotting on the streets for several days before being dismembered and removed, posing a further health risk. By the 1880s, fifteen thousand dead horses were being removed from the streets of New York City each year.

  Paradoxically, the advent of the steam locomotive and the construction of intercity railway links, starting in the 1830s, had helped make the problem worse. Faster and more efficient transport between cities increased the demand for rapid transport of people and goods within them, which required a greater number of horse-drawn vehicles. “Our dependence on the horse has grown almost pari passu [step for step] with our dependence on steam,” noted one observer in 1872. The result was more horses, more manure—and steadily worsening congestion. One observer in 1870 wrote that Broadway in Manhattan was “almost impassable” at some times of the day. By 1890, “streets in the lower part of the city are completely blocked three or four days out of the week,” observed Scientific American. And when the traffic did move, it was deafening, as metal horseshoes and iron-rimmed wheels clattered over uneven surfaces. In the 1890s conversation was barely possible on New York City streets because of the sound of traffic. Straw was sometimes strewn on roads outside hospitals, and some private houses, to reduce the din.

  Pollution, congestion, and noise were merely the most obvious manifestations of a deeper dependency. An outbreak of equine influenza in North America in October 1872 incapacitated all horses and mules for several weeks, providing a stark reminder of society’s reliance on animal power. The New York Times noted “the disappearance of trucks, drays, express-wagons and general vehicles” from the streets. “The present epidemic has brought us face to face with the startling fact that the sudden loss of horse labor would totally disorganize our industry and commerce,” noted the Nation. Horses and stables, the newspaper observed, “are wheels in our great social machine, the stoppage of which means injury to all classes and conditions of persons, injury to commerce, to agriculture, to trade, to social life.”

  Yet societies on both sides of the Atlantic continued to become steadily more dependent on horses. Between 1870 and 1900, the number of horses in American cities grew fourfold, while the human population merely doubled. By the turn of the century there was one horse for every ten people in Britain, and one for every four in the United States. Providing hay and oats for horses required vast areas of farmland, reducing the space available to grow food for people. Feeding America’s 20 million horses required one third of its total crop area, while Britain’s 3.5 million horses had long been reliant on imported fodder.

  Horses had become both indispensable and unsustainable. To advocates of a newly emerging technology, the solution seemed obvious: get rid of horses and replace them with self-propelling motor vehicles, known at the time as horseless carriages. Today we call them cars.

  In recent years this episode (sometimes referred to as “the great horse-manure crisis,” though nobody called
it that at the time) has been cited as evidence of the power of innovation, and an example of how simple technological fixes to seemingly intractable problems will show up just when they are needed—so there is no need to worry about climate change, for instance. Yet it should instead be seen as a cautionary tale in the other direction: that what looks like a quick fix today may well end up having far-reaching and unintended consequences tomorrow. The switch from horses to cars was not the neat and timely technological solution that it might seem, because cars changed the world in all kinds of unanticipated ways—from the geography of cities to the geopolitics of oil—and created many problems of their own.

  Today it is the motor vehicle, rather than the horse, that seems unsustainable. The Horseless Age, a magazine founded in 1895 to champion the new technology, proudly declared that “in cities and in towns the noise and clatter of the streets will be reduced,” because of cars’ rubber tires—yet it is still difficult today to hear yourself think on Broadway. The average speed of cars in central London today is 8 mph, the same as it was for a horse-drawn carriage in the 1890s, belying predictions that cars, taking up less space on the road, would reduce congestion. Road accidents are a major cause of death and injury worldwide. Huge areas of land are devoted to parking, even as cars sit unused, on average, 95 percent of the time—making cities as much dormitories for cars as habitats for people. “On sanitary grounds too the banishing of horses from our city streets will be a blessing,” the Horseless Age declared. But although the pollution produced by cars is harder to see than horse manure, it is just as dangerous to human health (in the form of poisonous fumes and particulates) and to the planet (in the form of climate-changing greenhouse gases).

  These modern problems show the story of the adoption of the automobile in a new light. They also give it new relevance, because a little over a century later, we once again find ourselves grappling with the question of the sustainability of the dominant means of urban transport. As in the 1890s, we are approaching a fork in the road. But this time around, history can help us choose which path to take.

  Just as it was once difficult to envisage how society would function without horses, it is hard to imagine how the modern world would function without so many motor vehicles. But a pandemic disease has once again emptied the streets in cities around the world, providing a glimpse of what it would look like to turn away from the car. And just as in the 1890s, there is both growing recognition of the need for change—driven by concerns over environmental impact, safety, and congestion—and a multitude of newly emerged alternatives vying for consideration.

  Back then horseless carriages existed in a wide variety of shapes and sizes and were variously propelled by internal combustion engines, electric motors, or steam power. It was not immediately clear what sort of vehicle would prevail, or even what to call it. Horseless carriages were also, like the horse-drawn variety, assumed to be something only the rich would be able to afford. But for the less wealthy, hailing a cab would at least get cheaper, because removing horses would reduce operating costs. An article published in June 1899 in the Los Angeles Times, under the headline “Coming of the Auto,” provided a primer on these “odd-looking, rapidly-moving, ingeniously-constructed vehicles” for the city’s residents. It predicted that within a year, “the automobile, with all its comfort, simplicity, cheapness and speed, will soon be as familiar a sight to the residents of Los Angeles as they now are to the citizens of New York, London and Paris.” The article explained that “electric automobiles are now considered the best for city use.” The introduction of electric vehicles to Los Angeles would offer citizens “a cheaper cab service than they now enjoy … by reason of the excessively cheap cost of maintaining electric cabs as compared with maintaining the horses and cabs of a horse-cab service.” Anyone who has been to Los Angeles will have noticed that things turned out rather differently, however: most people do not get around the city by hailing electric cabs when needed.

  Everything was up for grabs in the 1890s, but although change seemed inevitable, nobody knew what the world would look like after the passing of the horse. Today there is once again a sense of change, opportunity, and uncertainty, as a result of a sudden proliferation of new forms of transport. Electric cars, having failed to take off in the early twentieth century, are in ascendance a century later. Switching the world’s cars over to electric propulsion would go a long way to reducing their environmental impact, though traffic and safety concerns would remain. Meanwhile, smartphone apps have made public-transport services simpler to navigate. Ride-hailing apps can summon a taxi with a few taps. App-based car-rental and car-sharing services provide access to a vehicle for a few hours or days. Bikes and scooters can be found on street corners in many cities for rental by the minute. And even more radical approaches are coming over the horizon. Proponents of autonomous or self-driving cars predict that summoning a robotaxi when needed will eventually be cheaper than car ownership, and that such vehicles could reduce traffic congestion and road deaths. More ambitious still are the start-ups working on flying cars—giant aerial drones that are large enough to carry people.

  Revisiting the history of the car, and how it changed the world, can provide a roadmap to help make sense of these new transport options, by showing how social, political, and technological forces interact to produce both expected and unexpected outcomes. That is the tale this book will tell, putting the rise of the car, and the future of urban transport, into a broader historical context. Although it starts in the ancient Near East and then moves to Europe, it is a heavily America-centric story, because of America’s outsize role in the development of global car customs and culture, from Stop signs to shopping malls. Along the way, this book will examine the various ways in which the modern world has been shaped by the car, many of which are so familiar we no longer notice them. Why does red mean stop and green mean go? Why do some countries drive on the left, and some on the right? How did cars redefine dating, eating, and shopping? The answers to these questions are more than just trivia. They serve as a reminder that seemingly unimportant decisions can have consequences decades or even centuries later—something that is worth bearing in mind when making choices about the future. Many modern habits, behaviors, and attitudes toward cars were shaped in a brief period in the first half of the twentieth century and have persisted to this day. But we have forgotten their origins and no longer question them; we just assume that is the way things must be.

  Today’s car-centric civilization is the result of a succession of choices, extending back through millennia. Many of those choices could easily have gone a different way, and they now make change difficult—a phenomenon known as path dependency. But by understanding those choices, and the context in which they were made, it is possible to draw lessons from eras past that can be applied today.

  So buckle up for a road trip through five thousand years of history, from the wheel, to the car, to what comes next—a brief history of motion. Considering the consequences of the car offers us a road map for dealing with the unforeseen impacts of new forms of transport. By learning from the past, we are more likely to ask the right questions and make informed choices in the future. And as we start to unpick the car from the fabric of modern life, it is helpful to see where and how it was woven in.

  1

  Wheels in the Ancient World

  Men’s fortunes are on a wheel, which in its turning suffers not the same man to prosper forever.

  —HERODOTUS

  A HISTORICAL TURNING POINT

  It all starts with the wheel. Today, in a world that has literally been built to accommodate wheeled vehicles, it is difficult to imagine life without them. The story of how such vehicles transformed the world begins around 3500 B.C.E., with the invention of the wheel. It is an idea whose power seems obvious in retrospect. Yet the notion that the wheel is the greatest invention in history is recent. Only in the past century or two, in a world that runs on wheels, has its usefulness become universally appa
rent. Wheeled vehicles faced a surprising amount of resistance. Enthusiasm for them went through many ups and downs over thousands of years. And many cultures, despite knowledge of the wheel, declined to use it at all.

  The wheel was long assumed to have been invented in Mesopotamia, the region between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers that roughly corresponds with modern Iraq. Known as the cradle of Western civilization, this was where cities and writing first emerged, around 3200–3000 B.C.E., so it was not unreasonable to conclude that wheels originated there, too. And there is evidence for wheels in Mesopotamia during this period, in the form of pictograms on clay tablets that seem to show wheeled wagons, though they could also be sledges on rollers. Free-spinning (but horizontal) potter’s wheels were in use in the region by this time, so vertically mounted wheels would not have been a big leap. Archaeologists concluded that the idea must quickly have spread from its presumed Mesopotamian birthplace, because evidence for wheeled vehicles also appears roughly simultaneously in northern and eastern Europe.

  Yet in recent decades carbon-dating evidence has lent support to a competing view: that the wheel emerged in Europe first. The earliest-known wheeled object is a clay model of a bull, mounted on four wheels, found in the Carpathian Mountains of western Ukraine and carbon-dated to 3950–3650 B.C.E., hundreds of years before any sign of wheeled vehicles in Mesopotamia. A representation of a four-wheeled vehicle, scratched onto a pot found in Bronocice in southern Poland, just north of the Carpathian Mountains, has been carbon-dated to 3630–3380 B.C.E. Parallel ruts observed at Flintbek in northern Germany, dated to 3400 B.C.E., suggest that a wheeled vehicle was used to move soil during the construction of a long barrow; the uneven shape of the ruts indicates that they were made by wheels, rather than the runners of a sledge. And the oldest actual wheel ever found, the so-called Ljubljana Marshes Wheel, dates to around 3200 B.C.E. and was discovered in modern-day Slovenia.